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For years, especially since the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in 2022, the trend of strengthening military forces has accelerated globally, and the Asia-Pacific region is no exception. Although it has not yet reached the level of a full-scale arms race, this trend has already had and will continue to have profound impacts on regional and global security and development. Global Concerns According to a report released by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) on April 22, 2024, global military expenditure increased by 6.8% in 2023, the highest growth in over a decade, reaching a record high of $2.443 trillion. In the context of escalating wars and regional tensions, military spending has been rising worldwide, particularly in Europe, the Middle East, and Asia. For the first time since 2009, military spending in all five major global regions increased simultaneously. In 2023, global defense spending accounted for 2.3% of GDP, with per capita military spending reaching $306. This reality is thought-provoking, given that billions of people worldwide still live on less than $2 a day. A report by the United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in March 2024 noted that there are currently 55 ongoing armed conflicts globally, emphasizing that “it is rare for humanity to face so many crises escalating simultaneously.” In 2022, the United States had the highest defense budget globally at $877 billion, followed by China ($232 billion), Russia ($86.4 billion), India ($81.4 billion), Saudi Arabia ($75 billion), the United Kingdom ($68.5 billion), Germany ($55.8 billion), France ($53.6 billion), South Korea ($46.4 billion), and Japan ($46 billion). This trend intensified further in 2023. Notably, the average growth rate of defense budgets in 2023 was more than twice the global economic growth rate. In other words, the world is producing “more guns than butter.” This phenomenon reflects a decline in global peace and strategic trust, as well as an increase in security concerns. According to SIPRI, European arms imports grew by 94% from 2014 to 2023. Instability in the Asia-Pacific Region Although Europe’s military spending growth is significant, Asia, Oceania, and the Middle East remain the primary markets for global arms imports. These regions include nine of the world’s top ten arms importers. Due to strategic competition among major powers and territorial and maritime disputes, the Asia-Pacific region has become a “hotspot” in the trend of strengthening military forces. Some countries with territorial or maritime disputes with China are even covertly bolstering their military capabilities. While most countries are increasing their military spending, the expenditure is concentrated in a few nations, with the United States and China accounting for 50% of global military spending. In 2024, the U.S. military budget reached $916 billion, a 2.3% increase from 2023 and a 9.6% increase from the average between 2014 and 2023. Of this, $35.7 billion was allocated for military aid to Ukraine. Due to strategic competition with China and Russia, the need for military aid to Ukraine, and involvement in multiple global hotspots, the United States plans to make large-scale defense equipment purchases. Currently, the U.S. has over 750 military bases on all continents except Antarctica and is involved in counter-terrorism operations in 85 countries. This vast military machine consumes a significant amount of funding. Even before the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the U.S. Department of Defense had planned to spend at least $7.3 trillion over the next decade, a figure four times the budget of President Biden’s “Build Back Better” plan, which is $1.7 trillion. The Russia-Ukraine conflict and the astonishing rate of weapon consumption on the battlefield have also presented significant business opportunities for the U.S. military-industrial complex. Compared to the United States, China’s military spending is relatively lower but still dominant in the Asia-Pacific region. In 2024 alone, China’s military spending reached $296 billion, a 6% increase from 2023 and a 60% increase from the average over the past decade, accounting for half of the total military spending in Asia and Oceania. International observers believe that China’s actual defense budget may be much higher than the published figures, as research and development costs are not included in the defense budget. Russia, on par with the United States and China, remains a military powerhouse. Despite initial difficulties in the conflict with Ukraine, Russia’s defense industry has gradually adapted to the war, demonstrating surprising weapons production capabilities that have impressed the United States and the West. In 2024, Russia’s defense spending doubled from 2023. Although this figure is still lower than the Soviet-era levels of 12-17% of GDP, it is equivalent to U.S. military spending in the 1980s. Notably, this is the first time in modern Russian history that the military budget has accounted for 6% of GDP and exceeded spending in the social sector. From a supply perspective, according to NATO statistics, NATO’s share of the global arms supply market increased from 62% to 72% between 2019 and 2023, nearly three-quarters of the global arms market. A SIPRI report indicated that for the first time in 25 years, the United States has become the largest arms supplier to Asia and Oceania. Currently, the U.S. accounts for 34% of the region’s total arms imports, compared to 19% for Russia and 13% for China. Meanwhile, South Korea has emerged as a rising arms exporter, thanks to export orders from Eastern European countries. According to SIPRI, South Korea became the world’s ninth-largest arms exporter in 2022, up from 31st place in 2000. From the perspective of arms imports, a SIPRI report showed that the Asia-Pacific region accounted for 41% of global arms purchases between 2018 and 2022. Arms imports to East Asian countries increased by 21%, with the largest increases seen in the United States’ two major allies, South Korea and Japan, at 61% and 171%, respectively. After long adhering to “pacifism,” Japan plans to acquire unprecedented offensive capabilities since the 1940s by purchasing hundreds of U.S. Tomahawk cruise missiles. As the largest arms importer in Oceania, Australia’s imports increased by 23%. Malaysia purchased fighter jets from South Korea, while Taiwan purchased weapons from the United States and commissioned domestically produced amphibious assault ships. The Philippines plans to expand runways and ports to accommodate the largest U.S. military presence in the country in decades. Additionally, Australia announced a $200 billion plan to build nuclear-powered submarines with the U.S. and the UK under the AUKUS agreement, making it the seventh country globally to possess nuclear submarines. According to a SIPRI report, India is the third-largest defense spender According to a report by the Stockholm Peace Research Institute, India is the world’s third largest defense budget spender and the world’s largest arms importer. In 2019-2023, India accounted for 9.8% of the world’s total arms imports. Although overall imports have only increased slightly, India is gradually expanding its arms suppliers outside of Russia. During the period 2014-2023, India’s arms imports increased by 4.7%, with Russia remaining its main supplier, accounting for 36% of India’s total arms imports. Even in the face of challenges in the global economy, India’s defense budget still achieved a double-digit growth of 13% in the 2023-2024 fiscal year, reaching US$72.6 billion. Multiple causes, common consequencesInternational analysts believe that the trend of increasing military power in the Asia-Pacific region is mainly due to the influence of geostrategic competition, territorial and maritime disputes, and the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. The world is transitioning from an old order to a new order. Looking back at history, researcher Graham Allison pointed out that in 16 power transitions between the world’s first and second largest powers, wars broke out in 12 of them. This historical precedent is worrying, especially in the Asia-Pacific region where the strategic competition between China and the United States is becoming increasingly fierce. The major risk in the region is that the four major hot issues of the Korean Peninsula, the East China Sea, the East China Sea and the Taiwan Strait are all directly affected by the strategic competition between China and the United States.  Although economic interdependence and the existence of nuclear weapons make war between major powers unthinkable today, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict shows that the risk of direct conflict between major powers and even nuclear war still exists. More than a hundred years ago, the First World War broke out even though European countries had close economic ties at the time.  Even if war does not break out, the current trend of increasing military power in the Asia-Pacific region has brought many adverse consequences. First, the necessary resources for economic and social development will be significantly reduced, and many countries may not be able to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Second, trust between neighboring countries will further deteriorate driven by the security dilemma. Therefore, strengthening dialogue and resolving differences between countries through peaceful means based on international law is the only viable path at present. Countries in the Asia-Pacific region urgently need to strengthen strategic mutual trust. History shows that military means have never been able to solve problems between countries. (End)
The European Union unveiled its ambitious Defense Industry Strategy for the first time, aiming to enhance its strategic autonomy. This move not only has significant implications for Europe but also for other regions, particularly the Asia-Pacific. Background of the Strategy According to international analysts, the EU Defense Industry Strategy (EDIS) aims to transform the defense industry into a wartime state by promoting investment, R&D, production, procurement, and ownership of defense equipment through collaboration among defense contractors within the EU. This is part of the EU’s effort to transition from an emergency response to the Russia-Ukraine conflict to a long-term enhancement of defense industry readiness. As early as March 2022, shortly after the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, the EU adopted the ambitious “Strategic Compass” plan, aiming to establish independent military and defense capabilities. The plan requires EU member states to increase defense budgets, strengthen R&D and procurement of advanced military equipment, particularly in command, control, communication systems, drones, next-generation tanks, and integrated air defense missile systems. The idea of defense autonomy in the EU had already emerged before the Russia-Ukraine conflict, partly due to the strained relationship between the EU and the US during the Trump presidency. Although the relationship improved under President Biden, the US’s withdrawal from Afghanistan without consulting European allies and the establishment of the AUKUS trilateral security partnership with Australia and the UK (which had left the EU) further pushed the EU to reduce its over-reliance on the US “security umbrella.” Therefore, the EDIS can be seen as a significant step for the EU in the field of defense security, aiming to implement the “Strategic Compass” and advance the EU’s “strategic autonomy” goal. Ambitious Goals International observers point out that only 18% of European defense procurement funds flowed to domestic defense companies between 2021 and 2022. Due to insufficient reserves, about 75% of newly purchased military equipment came from producers outside Europe, with 68% from the US arms industry. The EDIS aims to reduce dependence on the US while addressing the “security threat from Russia.” The strategy stipulates that by 2030, at least 50% of procurement budgets (60% by 2035) should be directed to EU-based suppliers, and at least 40% of defense equipment should be procured through cooperation. The EDIS proposes five main measures to enhance the EU’s defense industry capabilities: (1) increasing and more effectively using defense investments; (2) improving the responsiveness and resilience of the defense supply chain; (3) strengthening financial support for the defense industry; (4) adapting to realistic trends in warfare; (5) advancing partnerships with foreign countries. All these measures aim to encourage member state governments to strengthen cooperation and prevent them from purchasing weapons from countries outside the EU. EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell stated: “After decades of low spending, we must invest more in the defense sector. We need to cooperate better to form a strong, competitive European defense industry.” Former head of the EU Military Staff, Jean-Paul Pelosse, also noted: “Defense autonomy is a prerequisite for strategic autonomy. If Europe’s weapon systems, even the smallest components, depend on external supplies, achieving strategic autonomy will be a huge challenge.” To prepare for potential wars, the EU focuses on promoting joint procurement and replenishing European reserves, with a particular emphasis on the European Defense Industrial Reinforcement Act (EDIRPA) and the Ammunition Production Assistance Act to strengthen support for Ukraine. Overall, the EDIS outlines an ambitious path to promote greater integration and cooperation in defense procurement and policy. It reflects the EU’s motivation to turn the European defense crisis into an opportunity to strengthen collective security. Uncertain Prospects for Success The success of the strategy depends on resources and political determination. The EU’s defense budget is undoubtedly sufficient: in 2022, the EU’s military spending was $240 billion, far below the US ($794 billion) but more than twice that of Russia ($92 billion) and almost on par with China ($273 billion). The Russia-Ukraine conflict directly led to the EU’s record-high defense spending of $295 billion in 2023. In just two years, the number of NATO member states allocating 2% of their GDP to defense budgets increased from 9 to 23. In the first 16 months after the start of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, EU member states invested over 100 billion euros in defense, but nearly 80% of the contracts were still awarded to companies outside the EU, with the US accounting for more than 60%. However, many EU countries remain hesitant about allowing the EU to intervene in their defense and security policies. Policy differences among member states, issues of national sovereignty, and the divergence in handling the Russia-Ukraine conflict between Western and Eastern Europe will pose challenges to the effective implementation of the EDIS. In particular, Germany’s decision to purchase US F-35 fighter jets instead of European-made models highlights the difficulty in implementing the “strategic autonomy” slogan. Impact on the Asia-Pacific Region As a significant force in a multipolar world order, the EU’s defense industry strategy not only affects Europe but also ripples through other regions. First, with the possibility of Trump’s return to power, the demand for strategic autonomy among the EU and US allies in Asia will rise, driving defense industry cooperation between the EU and Asia-Pacific defense powers like Japan and South Korea. Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida has warned: “Today’s Ukraine could be tomorrow’s East Asia.” Since 2019, the EU has openly stated that China is both a partner and a systemic rival. Consensus on concerns about China could drive the EU and Japan to strengthen defense industry cooperation. Against the backdrop of significant changes in the security environment in Europe and Asia, the EU hopes to strengthen defense cooperation with Japan and South Korea. During Russian President’s visit to North Korea, Russia and North Korea announced the elevation of their relationship to a comprehensive strategic partnership, making it more likely for the EU to further strengthen defense cooperation with Japan and South Korea. In fact, South Korea’s rise in the global arms market, particularly in arms exports to Europe, has been notable. Since the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, Poland has heavily ordered South Korea’s K2 tanks and K9 self-propelled howitzers, while Romania, Finland, and Estonia are also increasing their arms imports from South Korea. Meanwhile, the EU is also considering promoting cooperation with South Korea in other areas, such as space, cybersecurity, and maritime security, as well as with Japan on nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. The leaders of Japan and South Korea have attended NATO summits for three consecutive years, indicating that future defense cooperation between the EU and these two countries will further strengthen, especially if Trump wins the US presidential election in November 2024. Another impact of the EDIS on the Asia-Pacific region is the further stimulation of military expansion, particularly in investments in naval and air weapons. In recent years, the Russia-Ukraine conflict and tensions in the East China Sea and the Taiwan Strait have driven increases in global and regional defense spending. According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), global defense budgets reached a record $2.4 trillion in 2023. Countries in the Asia-Pacific region, especially Southeast Asian nations, will have more options for weapons supplies beyond Russia and the US. Although this change may take several years, the trend is irreversible. Experts believe that in the long term, as the EU becomes more deeply involved in Asia-Pacific affairs and advances the EDIS, the region’s multipolar structure will become clearer, moving away from the current “two superpowers, multiple strong states” situation. The EU is actively seeking ASEAN’s support and pushing to upgrade bilateral relations to comprehensive strategic partnerships. If ASEAN and the EU further strengthen defense cooperation, it is not impossible that ASEAN will allow the EU to formally participate in its mechanisms as a full dialogue partner. This development could increase the complexity of the region’s multi-layered power structure while also helping to maintain the strategic balance in the Asia-Pacific region. (End)
We want the gear from Glassto to run more precisely , fastly, and lasting a longer time. So Cyber Physical Syste (CPS) information systems can make this better than humans. The so-called “Industry 4.0” in Germany refers to the use of Cyber Physical Syste (CPS) information systems to digitize and intelligentize supply, manufacturing, and sales information in production, ultimately achieving fast, effective, and personalized product supply. The “Industry 4.0” project is mainly divided into three main themes: the first is “Intelligent Factory”, which focuses on researching intelligent production systems and processes, as well as the implementation of networked distributed production facilities. The second is “intelligent production”, which mainly involves the production logistics management of the entire enterprise, human-computer interaction, and the application of 3D technology in industrial production processes. This plan will pay special attention to attracting small and medium-sized enterprises to participate, aiming to make them users and beneficiaries of the new generation of intelligent production technology, as well as creators and suppliers of advanced industrial production technology. The third is “intelligent logistics”, which integrates logistics resources through the Internet, the Internet of Things, and the logistics network to give full play to the efficiency of existing logistics resource suppliers, while the demander can quickly obtain service matching and logistics support.  Of course, America has its smart industry.”Industrial Internet” can be regarded as the American version of “Industry 4.0”, but it is slightly different. According to Joe Salvo, chairman of Industrial Internet, “Industry 4.0 transforms traditional factories into intelligent networked factories, which is another innovation of manufacturing industry. Industrial Internet not only includes manufacturing industry, but also all basic industries that need to analyze data and information, such as home care, transportation, power and energy, water treatment and other industries, are applications of Industrial Internet”. After putting forward the “Industrial Internet” strategy, GE launched nine platforms including 24 industrial Internet products. In 2013, GE launched a more ambitious industrial Internet big data analysis platform – “Predix”. In 2015, GE opened the Predix platform to global manufacturing companies. This is actually a smokeless industrial competition for discourse power. Germany leverages its manufacturing advantages to build its core areas and increases cooperation with China. The cross business software platform established by Siemens is “Sinalytics”, which not only integrates a series of existing and new technologies such as remote maintenance, data analysis, and network security, but also enables the integration, secure transmission, and analysis of large amounts of data generated by machine sensors. In addition, IBM and German SAP are also developing their own industrial Internet platforms. When we mention industry, we cannot avoid China, which has the largest industry supply chain,  this is what we shall discuss later
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